Abdul Ali
What happened in Singa, where the city was overrun by Al-Burhan’s the head of the military and the militias of the Islamic Movement following the withdrawal of the Rapid Support Forces, is a matter that brings shame and disgust. It is rejected by clean hearts and repelled by natural instincts, especially with the spread of videos showing individuals believed to be from the army. Some of them have openly declared their identity, while others appear to be identified by their attire, as they wear army uniforms and speak in the passionate military tone mixed with the chants of the Muslim Brotherhood (“Kizan”), which has overshadowed the Sudanese army’s military doctrine.
These individuals appeared in horrific scenes documenting crimes of brutal rapes they committed themselves against girls from the city of Singa after the withdrawal of the Rapid Support Forces. Among the victims were minor children. These crimes were committed on the pretext that their fathers or brothers had cooperated with the Rapid Support Forces, which they considered a justification to rape them and film the assaults. The crimes were not limited to this; there were dozens of other violations, including arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial executions of unarmed citizens based on ethnic and regional grounds, according to the so-called “Law of Foreign Faces,” which was enacted by the ruling Islamic Movement under the army’s name. Suspecting someone of belonging to certain communities in Darfur was enough to criminalize, execute, and rape their daughters and wives, as seen in shocking video footage of young girls begging their rapists to cover their faces and avoid filming, yet the perpetrators did not hesitate to document their atrocities.
For those who claim that the army’s soldiers do not rape or loot, they should return to the history of civil wars in Sudan. They should review the horrific crimes committed during the civil war in South Sudan (1955-1972, 1983-2005), or in the Nuba Mountains, South Blue Nile, and Darfur.
Who was burning villages and raping women? Who was dropping explosive barrels from Antonov planes onto the heads of innocent villagers, claiming they were supporters of the rebels? Who used rape as a weapon of war? Wasn’t it the army itself?
These are not questions but rhetorical affirmations of historical facts, with witnesses who are still alive. What happened in Singa — violations, terror, rapes, and executions based on identity — is not a sudden occurrence, but an extension of the core behavior of the Sudanese army’s doctrine, which became more brutal during the reign of the “Kizan” – the kings of rape and emperors of killing – may they be cursed wherever they go.
I am astonished when I see these “Kizan” and murderers speaking about faults that they themselves practice and accuse others of. I am also shocked by their militia leader Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, who gives orders through gestures and body language, which encourages his soldiers to interpret such signs as implicit approval to commit war crimes, including extrajudicial killings and rape, without fear of punishment or accountability.
How can the people of Sinnar State, especially in Singa and its outskirts, who are labeled by the Islamic Movement and the army media as “Arabs of the Diaspora,” not be subjected to these horrific violations? According to the twisted Berhan-Kizan rules, anyone from Darfur, especially the “Arabs” there, is considered an ally of the Rapid Support Forces, justifying these heinous crimes.
These citizens from such ethnic backgrounds are subjected to the worst forms of abuse, including extrajudicial killings, rape, theft, and both physical and psychological torture. All of this happens solely because of their ethnic backgrounds.
I do not absolve the Rapid Support Forces from violations. There is no doubt, in fact, that many violations have been committed by their elements, and this must be stated loudly. However, I am also against selective condemnations. The army, the militias, and the Kizan brigades have committed massive crimes against civilians: from killings and mutilations to rapes.
Human rights organizations, especially the feminist organizations that have focused their efforts on one side of this conflict, must reconsider their credibility and professionalism. Overlooking the crimes of the army and the Islamic Movement raises doubts about the motives of these organizations, and it is essential to shed light on who manages them and how the regional and ethnic backgrounds of their leaders and staff influence their performance.
